The other day, while contemplating the paper I am writing for submission to PA, I came to the realisation that while the argument for democracy must (a) work and (b) be restored to our people is central to the demand for a referendum on our future in our own homeland it is actually quite tricky to navigate the civic nature of the beast.  The civicism itself is an active element in our disenfranchisement, meaning that we cannot make a straight, positive case for the referendum.  It ineluctably becomes a negative claim.

I asked Daniel what he thought about that and received some consideration which I think I have incorporated.  But I am still uncertain as to whether the case is made - it is certainly weaker than I would like and weaker than the other arguments for the referendum that are in the overall draft so far.  So I am posting a draft here if anybody is interested in commenting and strengthening the claim.  All constructive contributions gratefully received!

Any demand for a referendum is necessarily an appeal to (a likely resistant) authority for self-determination by the people.  There is solid support in international law for the principle of the self-determination of peoples, specifically in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted by the UN General Assembly on 16 December 1966 and entered into force 23 March 1976.  It states:

Part 1, Article 1.1
All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.

Of course, it’s all in the definition of “people”.  Only if we were living in an ethnic democracy or an ethnocracy¹⁹ – two of around twenty models of democracy which academics have identified – would the people and the demos definitely and always overlap to a degree useful to us.  Given not only that current citizenship law is anything but restricted to us, and the gateway to franchise²º is wider by an order of magnitude than citizenship itself, our referendum demand would fall foul immediately of the absence of any recognition or point of reference for ethnic self-determination within the system²¹.  It would be all-too-easy for politicians to dismiss our demand just by saying: “In our vibrant national democracy every individual of eighteen or over, regardless of race, religion, gender or sexual orientation, possesses the same human dignity and rights, and enjoys the same access to the democratic process.  You do not have the privilege of using the process to attack or disadvantage your fellow citizens.”

However, since such “liberal” opinion is relying upon novel and extra-ordinary change in the demos, brought about without recourse to the democratic process itself, it is a statement of force majeure and lan 灯 破解版 - the former because, obviously, state power has been employed to sweep away all dissent and utterly change our ethnic home, the latter because the politicians, having striven to make it (as they believe) impossible to undo their handiwork, now instruct us with steepling arrogance that we have no choice but to submit to the consequences.

Such thinking has strayed so far from accountability it signals that a usurpation has taken place.  Democracy is non-operative, at least in the matter of our people’s survival and continuity (which is the most vital of all matters of state, and from which arises the general recognition that defence is the first duty of government).  The political class as a whole has made itself unaccountable.

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That’s the complaint.  Let us now dig down for some solid principle.

Revolutionary change in the nature and meaning of the demos brought about not by democratic means but by the use of force cannot, by definition, be democratic.  In a time of peace when the nation is secure, unconquered, and self-governing, any outcome procured through coercive governmental action against the known will and natural interests of the sovereign and native people is procured illegitimately.  That was the case on 22nd June 1948, before the Windrush sailed into British territorial waters, and it is no less the case now.

The passage of time does not grant legitimacy to the wrongs done to us, whether or not those wrongs are capable of reverse.  A latern专业破解版安卓最新版 does not grant legitimacy, and it does not prohibit or de-moralise reversal, or make it any less necessary.  Abusive and unjust, untrammelled power does not justify its trespasses and treacheries by the claim of irreversability.  Only the interests of the people are irreversible.  Only the people possess the constitutional right to be governed according to the will of a parliament reflective of, and faithful to, their interests.  As the people, that right was ours alone before 22nd June 1948, and it was taken from us without warning or explanation or public debate, and awarded to strangers.  It must be our choice, and no one else’s, whether that situation obtains into the future.

In simple, force majeure is not a democratic value, and not an ethical value of any kind.  An appeal to it is a demand for our weakness and submission.  Those who make such a demand are not democrats and not ethical people.  Their arguments are flawed, arrogant, self-serving, and prejudiced against us.  Correction is due and we are bound to seek it, not least because that’s how a healthy democracy is maintained.

William Shakespeare never conceived of a betrayal more monstrous than that of our politicians, or a fate for his people and ours more completely final than the one they have engineered.  The phrase “We were never asked” is not counted among the scores of familiar Shakesperian quotations.  But perhaps one might argue in the native manner of Hamlet to Horatio that the ecumenicalism of British democracy, as it evolved from Magna Carta to the Windrush, was “a custom more honour’d in the breach than the observance”²², the breach being the implicit understanding of English peoplehood and right on the soil.  Certainly, if politicians had dismissively lectured the Englishmen of Elizabeth’s reign that Africans and south Asians and the rest have just as much ownership of this civic space and as much civic right upon it as them, that opinion would not have survived the sudden appearance of perfumed heads on pikes atop the city walls.

As it is, after the Windrush the rules of succession in our democratic Elsinore became those of the Claudian usurpation: citizenship on the nominal basis of jus soli but the effective basis of universalism squared, duly excused and commended by Brownite racial apologetics, aka civic values²³.

But the palace is still haunted by the ghost of Prince Hamlet’s murdered father.  We native British might have had all manner of poison poured in our ears but we still know this land to be our sacred ancestral home and not merely a civic space or a market economy or a race experiment²⁴; and we cannot permit it to become any or all of those in perpetuity.  Democracy must function again.  Our people must decide.

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The religious and philosophical antecedents of the political struggle aside, what are we to say about the contesting forces and their respective causes?  Is it even necessary to measure the motivations of a repressive class against the rights and interests of the people it represses, or the expansionist interest of a coloniser against the defensive and life-preserving interests of the people of the land it colonisers?  Would any fair observer dismiss the victim people as consumed with hatred, and label their cause illegitimate on such self-evidently specious and confected moral grounds?  If we do not dismiss the victim people mechanically and out of hand, how can we not find for them?

But such objectivity is entirely missing from the picture.  That entity which the Tories, lost in their petty economism and managerialism, call “consumers”, “tax-payers”, “voters”, and which the Labour Party, lost in its absolutist ideology of sameness, used to call “the workers” and “the masses” but these days calls “racists”, and which nationalists call “our people” (which, of course, is what they are) … that entity bears all the violations … the child-rapes and racist murders and terror outrages, the abuse from creatures damaged by racial self-contempt, the antipathy, betrayal and deceit of successive generations of politicians, the crass social engineering, the totalitarian omerta in the media, the official assault on “ white male hegemony”, the abandonment of white boys in education for the sake of the Other, the catch-all lie of dissent-as-hate, the “service” from the police, employers’ impertinent obsession with what we say outside work, the African faces pushed at us through our TV screens every few seconds, the sheer unrelenting and unlimited extent of the change to our towns and cities ... all this they ... we ... bear with tact, grace, and an obdurate stoicism.

These are true signs of who we are.  They are not the signs of a disparate crowd of individuals indifferent to anything that has no pecuniary reward attached to it.  They are not the signs of some too too hideous monster from the history of empire, whose moral nature is shot through with irrational hatred and who has to be got out of the way, basically⁸, so non-white victims everywhere can be freed into the utopian forever-future of racial justice⁹.  Most importantly, they are not the signs of a people buckling under the repression and blanket propaganda.  They are the signs of a people of the highest moral quality.

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That is what a referendum, as a clarifying and reforming mechanism, is really for: our reclamation of the political.  爬墙器下载 is what those who populate politics today are so afraid of, and with good reason because they cannot defend their own project against our people’s demand for life.  The abstract values they have inhaled from the liberal air, and which they hold to be absolutes, instantly collapse in contact with it.  Likewise, the malign and intellectually featherweight, self-serving ideological ejaculations of the anti-racist left turn to dust¹¹.  It is to be expected.  The demand for a secure existence and a sovereign and free life for our people issues from their possession of life itself and from life’s unquenchable appetite for continuity.  Everything, even the principle of power, even that of human freedom, is secondary to it.  There is no higher cause than this, which is the cause at the heart of ethnic nationalism, and no instance of that cause more just than when the life in question is that of the children of the soil.

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That all changed within a single generation.  With Enoch Powell safely marginalised and race relations already an obsession of the political class, we started to be instructed that the West Indian and south Asian populations were now our permanent new “ethnic minorities”, and, in the words of the Conservative Party manifesto for the general election of 1979, “... there can be no question of compulsory repatriation”.  By the mid-80s Roy Hattersley, then Labour deputy leader, was touring local radio stations to announce that this was now a multicultural country.  Not a sound from the Thatcher government was heard.  It was all agreed.  Prior to the London terror attacks of 7th July 2005, when fifty-two people lost their lives, nearly every senior politician of all the parties would solemnly inform us how “Diversity is our strength”.  That lie rarely passes their lips now, unless they are addressing a non-white audience.  They dare not tell that to us.  They have fallen strangely, uncharacteristically silent.

Indeed, throughout everything no one of any party troubled to explain why this was happening.  There has never been a formal explanation.  Politicians preferred to present the whole thing as some irresistible force of modernity which had to be managed as best it could.  As to its fundamental cause, that could be a gift of the jet engine, as some have argued, or of some timeless and unstoppable, Nature-given human practise of people “moving around the planet” (the current UN and EU narrative of the migrant who, mysteriously, cannot be shut out of European lands, like floodwater at the door), or it could just be the world’s refugees righteously seeking “safety” or asylum, or the world’s poor and the world’s brain surgeons seeking betterment.  It could be any cause, frankly, but that of destructive elites deliberately mixing-up the world’s populations in our home in pursuit of objects too shameful to be allowed into the light.

For the benefit of clarity, these peoples whom they force upon us are, first, replacement populations invited here to settle in our home without end; and, second, transformative populations brought here to gene-kill us by miscegenation.  Their status in our home is not that of an authentic ethnic minority, as we are instructed to think, but a coloniser.  They are not an oppressed victim, either.  An “oppressed minority” which enjoys the unremitting and total support of the government and opposition, the liberal Establishment, the media, the corporate sector, academia, law, and Third Sector is not a victim.  It is a pawn.

Who the chess-player is, exactly … if it has a single identity at all ... we do not formally know.  We can only make educated guesses.  But it’s not the politicians.  They are no better than hired help.  They get a good deal.  As irredeemably self-important beings, they have what they want, which is power over the political life of the nation and potentially a lucrative post-Westminster career.  They have the trappings of that power, perhaps even an office of state and the responsibility that comes with it.  If not, well, there are regular opportunities to display “humanity” before the cameras, perhaps in a refugee camp or in the children’s ward of some inner-city hospital at Christmas time.  Or Eid.  It’s the proven method by which one attains social elevation and the good public opinion of one’s liberal peers.  The speeches in the chamber, the clamour of journalists, the in-fighting, the late-night cutting of deals, the freebies and boondoggles, the whole venal mess … it’s intoxicating and exciting.  It’s a good life for an eager PPE grad from Oxbridge or London South Bank, or wherever.

It is also the true condition of any mediocre individual who lives so much on the surface of things.  The surface, of course, does preclude an holistic sense of the age, and because these people have no holistic sense of the age they are its unquestioning creatures.  In consequence nowhere are there free and creative agents, men and women of a stature sufficient unto the day.  On one side there is a great surfeit of pliant, principle-free drones, small thinkers and careerists given by character and ambition to the management of small things.  On the other there are repressive ideologues with no ideas of their own, creatures of passionate intensity¹³ at war with their natures and ours.  Powerful they may be - as powerful as we are weak.  But this generation of politicians are afraid to look our people in the eye.  They will not speak our name.  They do not ask any question of us.  They do not want answers, because answers would require decisions and decisions actions about matters of concern, matters of existence itself, which they have abjured themselves from ever acknowledging.  It is one of the reasons why their denunciation of nationalists is so rabid and unreasoning.  They are pushing away their own insupportable guilt and hypocrisy.

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This is the next passage in the referendum paper I am preparing.  It is commentary on the historiography ... the ideological ancestry, if you like, of all the negatives which nationalism seeks to address, and the “genetic defects” which that ancestry transmits to the current mainstream political generation.

Long before the late 17th century development of the urban industrial centre, and the conflicts of class and labour which accompanied it, the life of our people was already subject to challenging and pervasive transformational currents.  The class system itself, as a rigid socio-economic impost, entered the bloodstream of England with the Norman Conquest.  The capitalist landlord then emerged from the system of indenture and the bond of debt which was medieval serfdom.  The ideas of the 18th century Enlightenment owe their development to Descartes, Hobbes and Locke (Karl Marx actually said “We are all Hobbes’ children”), and they, in turn, to the intellectual canon arising, on one hand, out of Western Christian intellectualism (with its non-biblical roots in the Greeks and Islamic scholars) and, on the other, out of Renaissance humanism.

Not one of the Enlightenment philosophers was anti-Christian.  On the contrary,  they were conventional Christian gentlemen of their time writing about Man, not God.  The secular nature of their writings in no way precludes a broad and uncritical acceptance of Christianity’s own conception of Man.  The very model of the unfettering will derives from the proposition that is the Christian soul seeking salvation by the grace of the god of Abraham, and that, in turn, derives via Paul from the Judaic conception and treatment of the gentile.  It is a conception and treatment born out of the humiliation, after numerous other tribal humiliations, numerous other physical and psychological exiles, of the Roman occupation of Jerusalem from 63 BCE; and it works by weaponising the self-same alienations and estrangements of the Jewish exile and inflicting them upon the perceived existentially hostile gentile Other.

Thus with the conversion of the tribes of Europe to Christianity our ancestors acquired as their most abiding and formative moral and cultural artefact another morality and another culture integral to it and inseparable from it.  It is a culture of imposture, and of the existential critique of self and others.  Inevitably, its effects in time have been all too profound, colouring and characterising all that followed, instilling a sense of humanity sans bounds, a novel sense of individual identity, and of what our connection to others is for.  These three altogether estranging moral gifts, simple in themselves though they are, run uninterrupted through the greater part of the Western intellectual canon⁶ and the political, social, economic, and cultural life … our political, social, economic, and cultural life ... which flows therefrom.

The situation – always dangerous, of course - has gone critical in our time.  Our natural identity and our natural relation, both of which wholly belong to, and should go wholly unquestioned by, every European, are all but missing from the lived life.  That life is impelled onward not as our creative expression at all but as that of an always dynamic and developing struggle for human artifice and caesura in direct opposition to our human authenticity and belonging, and to the native principle itself (the principle of blood on the land, and the natural rights and interests pertaining thereto).

To re-emphasise, because it is important: the most fundamental contest of our age is that between artifice and authenticity in the European life and person, the former giving power over us to others, the latter giving us power over ourselves. 

Those on the political right who are held captive by the former look upon us, the native British, and see very little but interchangeable units of economic cost, unmindful of anything more human, more enduring than the consumption of ever greater quantities of goods and services.  The denizens of the modern left, meanwhile, consumed by the most absurd moral vanity, likewise see not our humanity but the endemic and indelible stain of hate and prejudice (usually “racist” hate and prejudice) in the white-skinned oppressor who alone bars the way to the post-racial utopia of radically equal beings, and who can only make recompense by an unending self-abnegation.  If these pathologies are taking peoples of European descent out of existence today – and they are – then it is, ultimately, because over the centuries we have determinatively accrued the substantive moral and intellectual framework of our own fracture and debilitation, and on that framework dangle all the 20th century philosophies and reductive human models⁶ which deliver us into artifice and to the will of others.

In the absence of effective philosophical and political analyses British nationalists spent most of the period between the end of WW2 and the end of the millenium asking themselves the wrong questions (rooted not in our politics at all but in the humiliations of an adopted “defeat” in WW1 and the challenge from communist revolutionaries to the continental European liberal democracies): how do we tell everyone about the JQ … how do we live the life of glory, what do we do to model greatness ... how do we re-kindle the spirit of our race … how do we beat the left on the streets … where is the leader?  Our people, meanwhile, were left with just one active defender: their own instinct.  Opinion polling suggests that it has stood up pretty well to the decades of Establishment social engineering and projected racial self-contempt⁷.

Finally, at the turn of the millenium, the main body of British nationalists began a turn of their own, away from post-fascistic Nietzschean thinking and towards an inchoate and largely unwritten nationalism of our ethnicity, being, and identity.  Two decades later that turn is still underway.  Patriotic Alternative, for example, evinces elements of the old thinking and the new.  But the party and the movement as a whole is facing towards the universal politics of life which is ethnic nationalism, and now can, if the understanding is there, articulate it as a total and profoundly moral refutation of the hypocritical elitism, coercion, lies, hatred, unnaturalness, and ethnocide on offer from the Establishment parties, activists, and media.  Further, we can make the most positive offer imaginable to the people, restoring their land, no less, to their own children, and a life of freedom, belonging, security, peace ... and boundless potential.

We will always appear weak when comparisons with the Establishment cohorts are made on the basis of the prestige of office, corporate funding, organisational structure and manpower, campaign professionalism, mainstream media reach, and so forth.  That cannot be a surprise.  Said cohorts have been the beneficiary of history, as explained above.  But it is a history of political crime and philosophical error.  We, on the other hand, are the upholders of what is right and just and true, and the expressers of our people’s real interests and instinct for life.  As with the Leave campaign in 2016 we do not have to rely on grotesque lies and bullying.  With the offer of England to our people, a big enough coalition and on-going help from the other side’s extremists we must have a fighting chance.

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I have set aside my philosophical writings for a time while I work up a full paper on the political benefit, methods, and viability of campaigning for a United Kingdom referendum on securing the future of the four native British peoples.  It is a suggestion I made recently at Patriotic Alternative’s site, and the subject of a limited correspondence with Laura Towler.  I’ll be publishing some sections of the paper here, but the full paper will be sent to Laura in an attempt to kick-start nationalism in this country.

Introduction

On 23rd June 2016 the voters of this country went to the polls after a four-month national campaign to render to government and parliament their decision in the United Kingdom European Union membership referendum.  It was the latest of fourteen referendums held since Edward Heath’s Northern Ireland referendum on Irish unity of 1973.  A pointless and ill-conceived exercise though that was, it nevertheless set the precedent by which British governments have since resorted to referendums on constitutional matters ranging from parliamentary voting reform to devolution for the north-east of England.  In that time also, two further referendums were planned.  But circumstances intervened and they were never held.  Although in British politics referendums still constitute an extra-ordinary process of consultation (many, including most nationalists, would argue deference¹) they are now firmly established as the democratic instrument by which enduring national questions over which parliament understands itself not to possess constitutional competence are passed to the people to be settled.

That said, we should not run away with the idea that this is ever done from politicians’ dedication to high principle, and quite without the worldly stain of political calculation.  The politics of referendums is very plainly beholden to the politics of keeping or getting of power.  In all but one case², referendums in Britain have either been resorted to by government in response to a long-running public campaign³ or have flowed from the election of a new government which, in opposition, had adopted the campaign’s cause⁴, invariably for its own electoral purposes.

Political opportunism and self-interest, therefore, are material considerations for any government asked to hand the people definite and direct control over a great constitutional question.  Accordingly, governments can and do refuse to turn to the people even when doing so may be morally unimpeachable, just and strictly logical, and the cause popular.

A striking example is the point-blank refusal of successive governments in the wake of Scottish and Welsh devolution to grant the electorate in England a vote on England’s representative inequality within the Union.  The formal discussion has been of the constitutional disruption⁵ a parliament for England and a government of England would produce.  But one’s overwhelming suspicion is that the real issue is the craven self-interest and careerism of the Westminster class, which will brook neither challenge nor change.

This being the case, how much less likely is it that any Westminster government will cede a demand from, by its own estimation, politically irrelevant British nationalists and “populists” for decision in the matter of our respective ethnic survival in the lands which bear our respective names?  The political class is only too well aware that the population change it has deliberately wrought upon the natives of this land has never been legitimised by our consent, and it is only too well aware why.  It has, in consequence, done everything in its power to close its ears to our voices,  sullying itself by sullying that voice; and this it has done, and will go on doing, for the sole purpose of erecting a justification, as it supposes, for its total betrayal of us, its total betrayal of our children.  Why, after the setback that its internationalism suffered on 23rd June 2016, would it call down destruction upon its head by ceding to us control over its demographic weapon and, thereby, over its own fate?

This paper will explore how Patriotic Alternative, acting as the wellspring of native opinion, might set about breaking the illusions of representation and respectability with which the political class clothes itself, and by which it commands the political stage, and our people with it.  In essence, what are the difficulties of actually engaging with government and making the demand for a referendum on the survival and continuity of the four native peoples of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.  What are the difficulties of making such a referendum necessary for government … any government ... to grant or at least to attempt, in the glaring light of day, to publicly refute and refuse?  How could those difficulties be overcome?  What are the benefits for nationalism of fighting the fight anyway, win or lose?  And how might it be possible for the nationalist cause to triumph against all the odds, as the Leave cause triumphed against the exact same forces a little over four years ago?

To each of these questions this paper will attempt to provide an answer.

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In brief:

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(((Sponsored))) “Black Lives Matter” rioting, arson, looting, property destruction and assault has been repeated in more than 30 U.S. cities followed by European cities as well.

With race riots having broken out in cities all over the United States (and elsewhere), it should now be clear to even the normiest boomer-civnat that Whites are under attack as a race, i.e., as a group - we (White men, in particular) are low man on the totem of the progressive stack of intersectional victim groups. We obviously have to look after our own.

Dallas man tried to assert himself and defend his property alone against the hyper-assertive black element.

While the more sensible among us have observed the destruction to our precious Ethnic Genetic Interests for decades as a result of liberalization of our national borders and group boundaries, the Covid-19 pandemic signaled a paradigmatic shift to broad consciousness that malign factors may cross national borders and interpersonal boundaries; and the state response of closing borders and requiring social distancing revealed that border and boundary maintenance can be done, even if this permutation was not done expressly for the protection of our European genetic kinds.

But we have a more flexible means for protecting our kinds, where the state and those in power are antagonistic and block the means to secure our European kind, sicking aliens and out-groups upon us to no end, and that is the perennial form in which a people fight off oppressive, exploitative and destructive elites: We may unionize our people for the sake of the aforementioned three purposes - otherwise scattered diaspora, our discrete species of native nations and the over-arching power of our genus. The time is ripe to promote this organization in defense of our interests; the need should be clear to all.

Take advantage of C-19 lockdown to squeeze-out the middle class as they might, as they would, what is the proper response to elite oppression? It is unionization (or some analogous means of organizing our people). Then we can begin the course of marshaling our nations and economy to serve our interests as opposed to elite parasites.

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It should dawn on people why our enemies are pushing the anti-left narrative so heavily - they don’t want us to organize against their elite hegemony, the right wing sell outs and licentious liberals that they enlist to their side. And why they altercast “third positionism” as a means of backdoor infiltration and/or destabilization; as opposed to allowing us to define left ethnonationalism for ourselves, to include private property, individual liberties, free enterprise within reason and other means of integrity that Europeans expect within a basis of social accountability.

Boomers bend the knee to Jewish sponsored black power (right wingers taking the pay-off or the flattery to their self sacrificing “objectivity” while liberals take the license and flattery to their indulgent “objectivity”).

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STEM types, markedly Europeans evolved mostly in response to natural challenges, Augustinian devils, are famously great scientists and engineers and notorious dupes to the Manichean devils coming out of the Middle East, those whose primary challenge was other groups, who thus evolved accordingly, wielding Manichean trickery and deception.

Now, science and empirically rigorous, close readings of our peoples deep, emergent nature, requirements for the maintenance of our being, is indispensable. There are several invaluable concepts that GW and Bowery have put forth from that rigorous end of inquiry; e.g., GW’s “being-of” is a great idea, an important centralizing position in hermeneutic process (and not mutually exclusive to the platform that I set out).

However, if the end of rigorous verification is to have orientation and relevant account, it must function within working hypotheses. I like to go with Shotter’s idea of calling these “specificicatory structures”, partly finished concepts which may be elaborated, acted-into and corrected with others. Our borders and boundaries can’t be taken for granted and don’t fall into place in a seemingly perfectly natural way that borders and bounds do for the Japanese, because we have been subject to an array of manichean tricks, for millennia now, to rupture our borders and bounds.

Furthermore, as the STEM predilection is attuned to precision, binary either/ors and to look for “the one little sublime thing” that might make the circuit go or not and at same time might eliminate redundancy as inefficient, it can be a good habit for engineering, but a vast disservice to the complexity of praxis, the social world, rupturing its organic holisms and multiple agentive interfaces, such that slightly ambiguous concepts, specificatory structures, serve better for their flexible interfacing capacity. Comfortable thus with working hypotheses and not over-valuing precision so much as to misapply it, one is not liable to make a bewilderingly retarded mistake such as hearing that Gregory Bateson “is Jungian” (not true) and therefore that he can be dismissed entirely as otherwise redundant for that one thing (which isn’t even true!). 

And as I’ve pointed-out before, STEM types have had a leg up in advancing their perspective in the internet age, thus delaying corrections to anti-social perspectives that may tend to adhere to their predilections.

It is the other end of orientation - calibration and unionization of our group to provide relevant accountability to our ancient social capital and its future trajectory - that the manichean adversaries of European interests have been assiduously at work against.

The concept of the group, particularly as unionized, is the opposite of liberalism (the no-account, toxic ocean in which we swim) because you are conserving what is within and providing, through its “union” structuring, the means of accountability to our group system, which corresponds to correctivity, which is approximately synonymous to group systemic homeostasis (self corrective systems) - which is what we (should) want as a people - functional borders, boundaries to provide autonomy, sovereignty. This structures consciousness as deliberate; you have to love the departure from objectivist, no account liberal whateverism - it is deliberate.

Black daycare worker suffocates 8 month old, CCTV shows dying child thrashing her legs to escape

Specifically, Europeans are under attack as a group (a race is a group). Generally, the humanities, not harder sciences, are the disciplines which develop means to analyse human groups.

Psychology generally focuses on the individual, and as such it is limited in its utility to our group concerns in interaction. While sociology takes the group as its unit of analysis and communicology takes interaction as its unit of analysis.

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Now then, there are many necessary means for understanding and organizing our people that I call White Post Modern in order to distinguished these resources/means from what has been put across by the YKW and their liberal minions as “post modernity” - the many red cape misrepresentations and distortions of the concepts to wield against White interests and to turn White people off to the underlying concepts altogether, crucial though they would be to understand and deploy in White interests.

“Will you commit to defunding the police? - No? Then get the fuck out of here!” Minneapolis Mayor (((Jacob Frey))) is doing all he can to acquiesce to black demands.

Black Lives Matter is just one of many anti-White organizations sponsored by (((YKW)))

Particularly as they attained greater hegemony than ever in 2008, Jewish power and influence has been determined to maintain those distortions of the humanities weaponized against Whites as representing “THE Left” and “THE Problem” to be solved primarily by Whites joining them on the Cartesian end of pure science, universal truth, facts, Abrahamic god beyond nature, etc. Rationally blinded to what the YKW are doing, in pseudo objectivity, detached from the disingenuousness of our own elite sell-outs, the naivete of the masses who go along with this (((Madison ave))) marketing campaign against “The Left”. Anything but the social accountability and social justice, anything but left ethnonationalism, as its concept of unionization facilitates - no, can’t have that. It’s a threat to Jewish power and influence; a threat to right wing sell outs who take their pay off; a threat to liberals who take anti-social license.

The abuse of the humanities has been so profound in its deployment against Whites that you can hear particularly STEM type Whites in reaction proclaim “Sociology” a false religion. Well, the abuse of sociology into an anti-White religion can be. But to criticize sociology as a discipline as a “false religion” would be like calling a telescope, “bad.”

Again, the social group, which is the focus of sociology, is as relevant as any neutral unit of analysis can be given that we are under attack as a group - a race, attacked by anti-racism. Thus, if sociology is being abused against us, that is all the more reason to take control of the instrument for our interests.

Our enemies have devised red capes of social organization throughout the years, Marxism (international a-racial unionization), Cultural Marxism (anti-White unionization), and recently since 2008 have cultivated a characterology of “the left” which they would try to attribute to anybody who tries to apply salutary concepts of the left to White interests, viz, to the ethnonation, saying that you are trying to take away private property, trying to take away unequal outcomes according to merit, that you seek centralized planning etc..

What you really want is to be right wing, because that would suit Jews in their hegemony, don’t want any union of the masses seeking social justice; at least you could show your theoretical sophistication by being neither right nor left? then you could stay obligingly disorganized; failing that, be third position along with knucklehead Keith Woods, so you can introduce Hitler and natural fallacy to help rid the Jews of their mischling problem and put the White unionists to death in war, oblige Jewish provocation as such, for the introduction of that destabilizing element, courtesy the knucklehead.

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Hillsborough County Sheriff’s Office has released shocking video of hundreds of looters breaking into a Tampa Walmart on Saturday, May 30, 2023, at 9:10 p.m.
(Courtesy ABC Action News and Hillsborough Sheriff’s Dept. 11 June 2023).

(((Curtis Yarvin (mencius moldbug)))‘s whole “Dark Enlightenment” was effectively an op against STEM types to further misdirect them from the proper findings and deployment of the humanities.

Worse, to dismiss the humanities, the more hypothetical end of inquiry in balance to harder scientific rigor, is to dismiss the most relevant units of analysis for the challenge that we are up against, for anti-racism is anti group classification and (likely necessary) discrimination thereof; while communicology is the study of interactions, e.g., group interactions which may break down group systemic maintenance (a human ecology) or serve to maintain it. And it is to dismiss resource from the humanities unnecessarily, as they should not be looked upon as in conflict but complementary to the more rigorous end, equally indispensable.

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Those who react in indignation while not being willing to act against our people’s interests (at least not intentionally), take the right wing altercasting into purity spirals - a wish for “that’s just the way it isnness” to find relief from Jewish rhetorical deception and other manicheanism in the social world (praxis) - but at the serious cost to group organization, accountability and agency.

Landen Hoffman

That would be “leftist’ ..can’t do that.” 

And so when I, an early and quintessential Gen-Xer, seek to correct the rational blindness of Boomers, particularly of the STEM kind, with necessary concepts of social unionization to facilitate accountability to our historic and future genetic capital, given the hideous abuse they have witnessed by means of the red capes of the humanities, given that the Jews want them to continue in their misunderstanding and to identify as right wingers, easily maneuvered, or self destructive, stigmatizing, dividing and disorganizing as such, given the mean and insane anti social reaction that many have gotten into as right wingers, I have been up against far more resistance than I would have expected and far more than I should have gotten.

Now, this has been a bit of digression but I needed to take it on because I haven’t gotten the help that I should have from the boomer STEM types; in fact, I have gotten horrible resistance. The general strawmanning that I’ve been subject to has been absurd, while the platform that I offer is coherent and equipped with important concepts.

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DNA Nations functions something like a union of unions; coalition of unions; federation.

This is not superficial philosophy. It is not mere politics which requires to be put aside indefinitely for some “deeper” science or philosophy. Aristotle takes praxis as the first order of business and Aristotle is the most respected single figure among European peoples for reasons of outstanding judgment in regard to human nature and our requirements. If Praxis, group organization, is out of whack, all other endeavors are liable to be futile. And crucially, in line with Aristotle’s advice, to over apply science and physics (pleroma) to the biological and social world (creatura) of praxis is the classic epistemological blunder which has precipitated some of our worst historical catastrophes.

            Warsaw after WWII (left)                        Dresden after WWII (right)

Nor do we need to distrust all words, as we are not trying to persuade our enemies but rather seek to make things clear for our people.

That is the essence of the post modern project, to call back our people from Cartesian estrangement into a centralization of our group of people (praxis), a unionization delimitation facilitating accountability to ours and coordination with other groups of people and environment that Cartesianism’s objective estrangement can be oblivious-to.

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Paradigmatic Shift: A paradigmatic shift of epoch world view is emergent with the implicative force of the pandemic.

From Modernity, International Liberalism and Pandemic to Pervasive Ecology Managed through the Coordination of Ethnonationalism’s Paradigmatic Conservatism.

Paradigmatic Conservatism is an idea put forward by Gregory Bateson, endorsing strong national borders which, in turn, allow for broader individual liberty within the nation. He maintained that the prevailing epoch has stupidly reversed that equation - with borders having been allowed to run wild while individual liberties are pegged.

....

A paradigmatic shift in world view is instigated with the global pandemic, from the prevailing liberal internationalist paradigm, to one of paradigmatic conservatism – strong borders which can ideally and practically facilitate a wide breadth of individual liberty within, securing the integrity of the authentic, emergent qualities of our genome.

The global pandemic evinces a long overdue ecological corrective to the modern epoch’s impervious liberalism. Its universalizing reach wielded obliviously over interpersonal and international boundaries, where not naively adopted in the rational blindness of its pseudo objectivity, detached from relative group interests, then disingenuously weaponized by the powers-that-be, buttressing that halo of innocence with suspended disbelief in arbitrary experimentalism for the promise of limitless progress and growth, even if in the hereafter.

Modernity has been a driving extension of the most determinedly evangelical forces of globalization, with that linear belief that change and arbitrary experiment lead necessarily the way of progress, ostensibly warranting the hubris of vulgarly pragmatic narcissism to run impervious rough-shod over indigenous peoples – their destruction by its means, after all, written-off as a mere functional hazard of progress and being where the critique of Modernity gained moral traction/warrant with anthropologists.

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This shared circumstance that we are all now confronted with along with the national responses of border control and social distancing, confirm the profound importance and the very real possibility of maintaining national borders and social bounds. Functional possibility of border and boundary control that the liberal powers-that-be would undoubtedly like to continue to deny.

And of the culmination of this Modern epoch post World War II, the idealized prohibition of group classification by means of Lockeatine Civil Rights no longer taken under the epoch’s fulmination as a simple mechanism at individual discretion against impediments to individual liberty, forward thinking and progress, but given a potently weaponized form of “Civil Rights” against forecast abuse of social classification by suspect groups, viz., as “racism”, a stunning and stigmatizing concept to wield by even the most crass against those deemed likely to abuse the concept of human taxonomic classification, easily ruining them, Bateson remarked in one of his very last speeches, nevertheless…

“I don’t have to tell you about the tyranny of patterns, that is the rubric under which we meet. What you may not know, is that you have to accept them.”

The rubric of the “tyranny” cited by so called progressives to be sheerly liberated from, of course, is the formal classification of patterns – including human ecologies – while Lockeatine rights, anti-racism and so on, are what is taken for granted as the perfectly innocuous liberation, the remedy to this “tyranny.”

The inevitability of systemic correction inherent in patterns, whether by stasis or homeostasis, is their tyranny.

This long overdue correction to modernity’s Cartesian universalism nevertheless presents the opportunity to move from post hoc reaction to the inevitable stasis – and by reaction to the stasis, we mean the non-deliberate physical and biological responses to corrections coming from outside of the system, sometimes confronting it in the form of disease, such as this virus - to one of social systemic homeostasis, deliberate correctivity: the autonomy of self correction, self corrective systems.

Nationalism, particularly ethnonationalism, structures a systemic world view optimally for homeostasis, i.e., in praxis - the socially self corrective paradigm as it facilitates accountability, coherence, agency and warrant in the management and coordination of human and pervasive ecology.

Whether disciplined by the overseers of homeostasis, or by brute stasis, a paradigmatic shift from Modernity and liberalism is implicated.

This international affliction that we are experiencing and the national responses of border control and social distancing confirm the importance, possibility and reality of maintaining national borders and interpersonal bounds.

As such, it prompts consciousness of a paradigmatic shift from the prevailing internationalist liberal paradigm, to one of paradigmatic conservatism - ethnonationalism.

......

However, the perennial libertarian concern over abuse of state power is vying to reassert itself as the most important rubric.

State measures to control the virus, ranging from shutting down small businesses, to fining people for walks in the park, to tracking-apps monitoring people’s whereabouts through their I-phones, to limiting freedom of travel for ordinary people, are looked upon as liable to lead to further centralization of wealth and power to the anti-ethnonationalist elite, along with a greater capacity and ostensible warrant to clamp down with a police state in their interests - not ours.

Particularly if this concern is upheld as paramount by influential voices who do not experience themselves as having a strong vested interest in ethnonationalism, a temptation especially for those talented enough to nerd their way around (think Styxhexenhammer666) and get their share (for now) despite the growing casualty to our species, personal priorities such as theirs can tap into a broader audience of right wing reactionaries, flatter their “intellectualism”, tickle conspiratorial horror scenarios and maneuver the broad base of our people right back into the laissez faire liberal-sphere - a co-option which would suit the powers that be just fine - the liberal powers that be, who’ve gotten us into this broad wreckage of our human and pervasive ecology, who obviously care even less about us and our concerns for the preservation of our kind and habitat, and would be just fine with seeing us blended away where we do not die-off outright.

Hence, the correction could be diverted through over reaction as the exercise of state power rouses concern of police and surveillance state, whether paranoically imagined or very real, as incipient ethnonationalists certainly have cause to be concerned about that through their experience of censorship and persecution.

However, most of those worried about these possibilities tend to be the same people who do not have the freedom of being grounded in good will; not being ethnonationalists, the people they feel duty bound to see as something like brethren-ends-in-themselves are not, in fact, their people, or do not conceive of themselves as such; and thus, they rather stubbornly cling to their right wing, anti-social security blankets – the socially unaccountable natural fallacy of ceaseless power struggle, or outside of praxis on the other side, outside of nature to an unaccountable sky god or the “magic hand” of the market that would ordain the charlatans who would use state power to oppress them indeed.

Nevertheless, the significance of achieving national autonomy for our people through state sovereignty on our behalf, is so clearly important that how state authority is to be achieved reigns supreme and how to rein-in state authority over potential abuse a detail – an important detail but one which should be far more manageable as we all know, if we are “bowling among ours only.” In fact, issues of potential state abuse, corruption and accountability (particularly keeping accounts requested to a minimum) should be far more manageable trough ethnonationalism and all the more reason for us to take charge.

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And ethnonationalism is most open in the broadest sense as well, as the people are one in the union, from elites, to rank and file, to marginals, accountability is most likely to best serve the interest of all, thus kept to a minimum, let alone going rogue to police and surveillance state.

With that is another silver lining to fear of the police state: try putting yourself in their shoes - what are you going to do with all this data? Where would you begin? Are you afraid that you might be required to get a vaccine in order to travel or move to a nation? Is that a new practice? Haven’t Small Pox and Polio vaccines been required for a century now? But I digress.

Yes, China has a pernicious social credit system in operation, but that is a function of a narrow elite rigidly in power for their sake, not an ethnonational superstructure. China would have to be broken into several nations to have ethnonstates; as opposed to something more like an empire over-reaching divergent interests, attempting to suppress and control them.

Let us put trust where most people intuitively find trustworthiness, and where the science tells us that people find social and political participation worthwhile regarding state/union organization – if it is ours, in and about the interests of our homogeneous people, it is at very least a trustworthy start.

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Paul Tillich:

“The existentialist protest against dehumanization and objectification, together with its courage-to-be as oneself, has turned into the most elaborate and oppressive form of collectivism that has appeared in history.”

Although arguments have been put forward that he was speaking of the Soviets, it is actually pretty apparent that Tillich was speaking of the Nazi regime.

Even so, this platform isn’t about preventing self actualization and achievement, but rather looks to make the individual quests more possible by putting them on socially supportable, emergent grounds, facilitating an optimal circularity of needs in quest in order to stabilize them within the union, harmonizing them with homeostasis of the union as well.

This is why social constructionism has been recommended, in order to sensitize us to our human connection and indebtedness in Praxis, which is a fact and a responsibility, a necessary focus particularly for we, the more individualistic peoples of European evolution.

In fact, we are not making things up, out of thin air as weaponized forms of purported social constructionism would bandy.

This international affliction that we are experiencing and the national responses of border control and social distancing confirm the importance and reality of social grouping, and the possibility of maintaining national borders and interpersonal bounds.

As such, it prompts consciousness of a paradigmatic shift from the prevailing internationalist liberal paradigm, to one of paradigmatic conservatism - ethnonationalism.

In fact, in some respects we are experiencing the dark side of self actualization, a modernist story in dire need of social hermeneutic correction (as I have discussed many times), a story told of our individual potential and social boundary transgressing liberty maximized and weaponized against our group interests through the context of America’s civic nationalism; its civil rights weaponized as anti racism against any social classification that would serve European homeostasis facilitated by ethonationalism; thus it is an anti nationalist weapon, decidedly un-ecological but given to us as the rubric under which we function since World War II. Since then, Nazi imperialism and supremacism, its natural fallacy, have been disingenuously labeled nationalism by those antagonistic to our people being due any account, as we would by means of a sufficiently powerful group, the ethnonation, and able thereby to require accounts in return.

To be clear from the start, we are marking a distinction of ethnonationalism from ethnosupremacism, the epistemological blunder, the natural fallacy of Nazism, which was supremacist and imperialist, as Hitler believed state borders were a fiction that were merely enforced by brute force and should be violated by the powerful people, imposing their will to power in accordance with his natural fallacy – this is not nationalism, nor socialism for that matter. His natural fallacy followed a logic of meaning and action beyond (or below, as it were) the accountability and correctivity of the praxis of the social world, to runaway – to destruction. Our aim is the systemic autonomy that the social construction of ethnonationalism facilitates, and preservation of human and other natural species which borders assure, not a race struggle with the aim of annihilating those who do not want be subject, subsumed and eliminated in a battle for supremacy.

Ethnonationalism is the opposite, defending species against supremacism and imperialism.

As opposed to this runaway quest of modernity, clinging to subhuman nature in struggle for supremacy and imperialism, the turn to ethnonationalism wields the power of common interests to cooperate, thus security over anxiety, death, emptiness, meaninglessness, guilt, condemnation, subsuming these existential dreads into the meaningful context of our social capital, its history and future.

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Nationalism, true nationalism, that is to say ethnonationalism, requires a paradigmatic adjustment in the narrative we go by – not to deny the place of self, but to place its relevance within the meaning of a large, but delimited group – the nation (species) and the race (genus) along with its regions being about the largest practical unit of analysis to stave off the abyss of indifference that confronts the limits of our natural parameters.

There is an irony here as the epoch of Modernity is brought to a conclusion, its universal quests, its obliviousness to differences that make a difference, it’s impervious internationalism brings home the interdependent need among the nations for border control to facilitate human and pervasive ecology.

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We should have been able to do this before the disaster hit, but liberals…they are just too cool for the rest of us, aren’t they?

Now, you don’t have to look at things that way, you can go back to the blindered perspective of self actualization and the magic hand which you think owes very little to your ethnonation, but I don’t recommend it and I’d have people take a look at people like you when the nation’s people are down on their luck.

Ethnonational management facilitates the establishment of control variables and the biodiversity, the flexibility for an ecology that will best assure our survival and advance.

We are speaking of very real human biodiversity, more horizontal in nature, not the red cape, singularly lateralized Steve Sailer sham of comparative I.Q. that he has the nerve to call “human bio diversity” - the lateralism that you rightfully fear, having power to wield all that modern apparatus and same old narcissistic Abrahamic world view indifferent to the difference of your human ecology as might thrive in a diversity of ethnonationalism.

This international crisis demonstrates how interdependent we are on borders and interpersonal bounds, to protect the ecology of our genome, i.e., on not being forced to be so inextricably enmeshed with one another and not be subject to the coercive social engineering, the artificial halo of sainthood of no account, self righteous, imposed pan mixia to the destruction of ancient genome in this universal, most evangelical religion of modernity - which some would call secularized Abrahamism, a tag of which I could agree.

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This international affliction that we are experiencing and the national responses of border control and social distancing confirm the importance and reality of social grouping, and the possibility of maintaining national borders and interpersonal bounds.

As such, it prompts consciousness of a paradigmatic shift from the prevailing internationalist liberal paradigm, to one of paradigmatic conservatism.

The Post Modern, hermeneutic turn, is a turn from the Caresian estrangement of Modernity to a centering in Praxis, our people, which is entirely consonant with ethnonationalism and its coordination with fellow ethnonationals.

The ethnonational state in particular, is an existential entity. That is, it facilitates the re-centering of our Western world view in Praxis – social group – taking us out of Cartesian estrangement, runaway and reaction to brute corrective stasis, to a centraliztion of ethnonationalist social groups, with their capacity to structure systemically corrective homeostasis by means of accountability; which also facilitates coherence, agency and warrant to coordinate with other human ecologies and pervasive ecology.

In this paradigmatic shift we are taking the post modern turn to praxis – the social outlook, the centralization of our world view through our people groups, most powerfully by nation, as opposed to the non-social, i.e. non human modernist reaction to sophistry and its abuses of the social realm, which shuns our capability for interactive, agentive correction and seeks relief from that responsibility by claims of narrow, if not pure warrant at either end of the Cartesian extreme, beyond nature, or below human nature, in natural fallacy – either way, beyond correction, beyond accountability, with impervious claims of objectivity free of interests and accountability, and liable to runaway, to disaster, such as befalls us and has befallen us.

In quarantine of our shut borders and social distancing, we may experience the time to dwell, to dwell in our emergence, among our emergent habitat and folk, to hold fast, maintain and evince our truth.

It is a time to slowly look at our situation in its broad concern, take what we need in essence and give thanks – thankian.

This anti Cartesianism, call it social constructionism as you should, is about focusing attention on our interrelatedness, re establishing the capacity to unionize our interests, not a matter of some esoteric and vast undertaking of psychological transformation, but a highly pragmatic act, an ordinary, straight away available act of unionization in our genetic interests, recognizing and reminding one another of our inter relation, indebtedness to one another and thus accountability – but with that comes the aforementioned reward of coherence, agency and warranted assertability.

There is an irony being revealed in this crisis, of the interdependent need for border control to facilitate human and pervasive ecology.

The irony of interdependence means that we are interdependent upon the discrete border control and population management that nationalism affords.

Hence the Paradigmatic shift from the globalizing liberal hegemony is set forth. Thanks be to the forces of pattern.

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Introduction

This is the first of three planned new essays - none of them very lengthy or (I hope) too obscure.  This one is the very first I have offered at this site for some time.  Together with the Sibelius essay I posted getting on for two years ago now it marks an end point to my work on foundation and the perspectives for ethnic nationalism that it affords.  The objective in this essay is to revisit and clarify the earlier work, to philosophise it rather more formally, and fit it to the task of moving forward.

The second essay in this trio, which I have not yet written, will deal with a foundational epistemology, specifically the dynamic scheme I called the Ontological Transit, which I hold to be the ground of our perception of the essential.  After that visit I hope to be able to offer – probably wholly unwisely and almost certainly not originally - a (very) tentative gesture towards a theory for the central problem of all philosophy of Mind, that problem being how our subjective experience arises from the electro-chemical activity of the brain. 

Thus, for example, for ethnic nationalists that includes how we beings of Nature and of the material universe witness the flood of mind-mediated information (qualia), know and value self and relation, being and the freedom in being, and truth, good and love, and know these to be vivifying and our experience of them as real, in their way, if not as solid as the hardest of reality we can perceive; and, therefore, as necessitous and essential for the political ordering of society.

A nationalist, therefore, is seeking not merely a technical (or ontical) description for the mind’s rendering of this thing we call reality.  He’s hunting for a basis in human truth, a natural, qualitative order which cleaves the political, as it does all things, and sets down the cause of the people’s life and life-interests in the light, above and beyond the generalities and vicissitudes of the day.

And we begin that hunt, naturally enough, in the beginning.

The founding vita

What does foundation mean?  Well, for me it certainly does not mean the mystic’s 爬墙加速器下载 ground or plane of pure being from which we mere human beings, sunk in our ordinariness, are famously exiled, and to which return is a moment of rapturous union with the All.  Minus the manipulation of brain chemistry it is never more than theory, and an anti-evolutionary theory at that; and is too often proposed with a religious certainty inevitably unappealing to a materialist.

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For the same reason I am not attracted to the dry philosophical practise of determining over-arching systems of ontological categories or classes into which the knotted skein of being might be teased – even those like quanta and qualia I am inevitably using myself!  There are two hundred and seventy of them in Hegel’s categorisation, all of three in various others!  It’s work on a cadaver, like rendering down speech into dictionary definitions, or the grand enterprise of a business concern into the annual accounts.

No, I am looking for the living ontological history, to be got from the stuff of existence as an artist draws the human truth of his model.  Methodologically, perhaps that would be an intellectual art, resistant to formalisation, therefore probably unteachable, therefore, probably not academically respectable.  But academia cannot model the politics of the blood any more than science can.  It has been missing something.  Or if it ever found a trace under its scalpel, it killed it all over again on the mortuary slab.  Let us avoid that.

So, by “foundation” I mean origin as a creative event which is self-perpetuating and, thus, functions as the universal primal order of life.  As befits mere beings of flesh and blood (and modernity, of course), let us address this admittedly large, not to say godlike subject in fleshy microcosm.  Accordingly and always mindful of our own extreme transience, we might hunt for the foundational in the occurrence, after perhaps a billion or ten or twenty billion infinitesimally brief cellular sparks in a mechanical universe (governed ceaselessly and absolutely by Time and Entropy but also by Happenstance in the sense of random events, processes, and interruptions) of an anomalous event of integration such that there was, this once, a founding vita, however spare, however primitive.

Obviously, we do not speak here of anything recognisably “personal”, or anything at all beyond a bare sequence of information in auto-catalysis.  But within that first, faint trace of a separation from the disintegrating lay a trace, fainter still, of the essence for continuity, interposing itself in the universal fabric, elaborating itself in whatever way will secure the light.  By elaborating, the whole may change and even divide and by dividing increase; and then, from changing and dividing and increasing, perform the saving trick of giving up phenotype to disintegration, yes, but withholding genotype for continuity.

Everything that comes after (so, nervosity, oxygenation, the sensing of heat, light, movement and of quora, the incorporation of energy sources, sensitisation to environmental change, the giving and receiving of chemical signals, the bias towards strong signals, etc … all the way to complex forms of sapience) is elaboration forced by the disintegrating action of the mechanical universe.  Stasis is not an existent reality.  For one of the sides to this drama … the side of life … there is never a possibility of rest or final victory.  Always, Time and Entropy drag this life back towards discontinuity and disintegration, and the cold state of mechanics.  Always life’s essential, voracious appetite for continuity, born of that initial happenstance, impels it forward and proves itself, within its own confines and by its perfect integrity, as equal as equal can be to the vast forces without.

Looking sideways at it, so to speak, and doing the ontology, one is necessarily sifting through and time-ordering the organism’s always elaborating grip on being.  I would reiterate that we do not speak here of the organism’s biochemical structure and interaction – an agglomeration of things dead in themselves.  We speak of its life-essence emerging unseen from difference elaborating as ever greater difference; and from confine, therefore, and the reflex, impulsion and movement which elaboration entails; and in what, broadly speaking, Martin Heidegger called landeng破解版安卓版 (care or concern), Frank Salter called latern专业破解版安卓最新版, and we might call the sole imperative of the will to continuity; and, thereby, in the qualities of ownership and instinct which imbue that will; and in the procreativity which it imbues, and in the discrimination and opportunism which arrive with the light-seeker, sapience; and thence increase, inter-dependency, and belonging; and, ineluctably, death but also, triumphally, death’s deferment.  For all of this characterises the essential struggle, and all of this stands in absolute opposition to that cold state of mechanics which the ontological investigation of the universe logically must uncover.

The profound order

By its sheer salience and novelty, all this vitality contests the metaphysician’s standard theory of a recondite and static, continuous plane or ground of existence by which the being of things living and things not living is if not caused certainly situated.  In the standard theory existence itself has no nature, indeed is prior to all nature.  It is one and its value is 1.  The existence of everything that is has the same value of 1, and the being of All has the value of 1.  There can only be this austere and unlit, singular, factic thereness of a thing, and of all things under the governments of Time, Entropy and Happenstance.  It is existence as absolute homogeny, existence as raw, imperishable precondition.

What deities have been imagined to precede and exceed it, equipped with all the magical baggage of design, are themselves only the designs of men who found the prevailing mechanicity an intolerable affront to love, meaning, purpose, and hope of life and hope in the sublime.  Their gods, their spirits, their mythos, their very faith need not detain us, for the ontological order we are unearthing is not the object of their discontent, but the fundamentals of their repudiation of it.  To be precise, and – again - from the beginning:

Integration necessarily has locality and therefore confines, for confinement alone gifts separateness from the prevailing All.  In separateness there is necessarily resistance to the claim of that which is separated from, which is a claim to absoluteness.  In resistance there is the tendency and leaning towards continuity; and in that leaning already lay the seeds, at least, of a “something” which is essentially different, and which preserves its difference only as long as it engages in a Manichean struggle with the blind and profane, homogenising forces without.  But that engagement limits homogeny’s realm and the priorness of existence is universal no more.  Within its own bold confines essence is now prior, for so long as essence differentiates itself existence is made contingent upon and a function of it. 

So now we have, for the purposes of this investigation, conferred upon the general existence its sign and character of the “austere and unlit, singular, factic thereness of a thing, and of all things”, and we have defined essence not only as that of a vita differentiated from those existent things, but also as the differentiating constant of that “which preserves its difference only as long as it engages in a Manichean struggle with the blind and profane, homogenising forces without.”  Further, we have given the disintegrating and homogenising action of those forces the ontological character of mechanicity.  Ineffably un-differentiating in themselves, they become themselves because essence is itself differentiating, for only in their relation of difference is their respective character unconcealed.

Because this mutual unconcealing is a gift solely of essence’s genesis in continuity, it demonstrates that by that alone light has entered the universe, and a sweet anarchy by which the absolute is made relative and the profound order is re-established: no longer a singular, unbroken, universal reign of forces but a landscape of confined multiplicity, of the particular, and of the qualitative; and more than that, of the constantly differentiating and refining into an ever more specific and elaborate multiplicity.  In other words, there is a value of 2, and there are values within 2.  Essence is, essences are.

So we have our foundation in the essential principle and, specifically, its origin and prior relation to existence: a solid, immutable operative order which not only underpins the organic existence but pervades its instincts, ordering, conditioning and permeating their dynamic creativity.  Thus is its effect in all living organisms, and in the human organism also, to which everything must belong with nothing added and nothing taken away.

Richard looking down unironically on the post modernists. In truth, where pomo is not otherwise misrepresented by (((red caping))), Richard is assisting the disinformation through his customary misdirection, now misleading White interests by characterizing the erstwhile eminently necessary concepts of post modernity with one of the few concepts associated with it that should be left behind - Rorty’s shallow concept of “irony” and the ironic stance.

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The basic strategy of Jewish group antagonism is to take a good idea, necessary to group defense, advocacy, homeostasis, and deploy it in the interest of non-Whites or anti-Whites; then exaggerate or reverse these advocacy concepts to the point of utter misrepresentation, absurdity, to where they are perceived as alien and repulsive to the common sensibilities of Whites, causing them to react even against the concept underlying this red caping and against thus, the very concepts that Whites need to understand and organize their group defense.

Since their assent to greater hegemony than ever with the 2008 financial bail-out, Jewish interests have been confronted with an intersectionality where their prior advocacy of social justice positions now threaten them in their elite power, and hence they have sought to align and co-opt White right wing reaction, elitists in particular, though any sort of no account liberal (notably, “conservatives” conserving liberalism unbeknownst: US Constitution’s “civil rights” weaponized against conservation of White group interests; Christianity’s individual souls irrespective of group interests; scientism’s liberal conserving of animal drives as opposed to the “artifice” of human group organization) to their cause against “the left” which might otherwise provoke awareness suggesting the unionization of White ethnonationalism to hold to account those who are fucking our race over - Jewish interests along with the naive or disingenuous complicity of White right wing elitists, who are fine with selling-out our people, and other no account liberals, happy to take the license offered in the disordered, no account fallout of modernity - the wake of “objective superiority” taken for granted.

While Pat Buchanan was disgusted by “the sewer of multiculturalism” (all Americans should be Judeo/ Christian, speak English), (((Gottfried))) and he took up the response of integration by carrying forward the mantle of (((Frank Meyer’s))) paleoconservative “fusionism” of Abrahamism and enlightenment values; handing it off to Richard Spencer for a paleocon 2.0 big tent called the “alt right”, until Richard’s “Faustian imperialism” blew that up. The paleoconcon false opposition has now been handed from Gottfried to Nick Fuentes’ court.

And since WN continue to fuck things up, reacting against (((red caped/ i.e. misrepresented))) “post modernity” as so much “left wing, da-da nonsense”; acting into the reactionary right wing positions altercast them by Jewry, supposedly on behalf of pure truth and morality, somehow transcending human interests, while chasing misrepresentations (((red capes))) of the erstwhile necessary concept of Post Modernity on the whole, along with (((red capes))) of its ancillary concepts, I must repeat, hopefully in a more clear and compelling way, things that I’ve said before but for some flourishes. However, it is a great advance of Post Modernity properly understood, to emphasize the fact that an idea does not have to be “new” in order to be understood as good, useful, important.

The essential move of the Post Modern turn is to call attention back from Cartesian estrangement, to re-centralize and provide means to sustain our world view in praxis - our social group – through an engaged process to protect inherited forms and helpful traditions of our people from the ravages of modernity’s linear “progress”; while allowing modernist change where salutary, and leaving behind tradition where unhelpful in sustaining praxis; but the post modern turn from modernity’s linear notion of progress would not take praxis so far in ethnocentrism as to be supremacist and imperialist, unable to respect and coordinate with other groups of people, let alone go so far as to revert to a more primitive form yet, Monoculturalism, to where the humanity of non-members is not recognized:
         
Rockefeller, oblivious to the fact that he will shortly become dinner for the natives.

Just as the Monocultural worldview of cannibals might view a White interloper as non-human, rather as something good for the communal stew pot, so tribal monoculturalism would perhaps view we “racists” as less than human, not worthy of life.

As Modernity has been on a trajectory for the reflexive effect of Monoculturalism in its globalizing pursuit of universal progress, particularly as its rule structure, performance requirements, narcissism and rational blindness are (((weaponized))), many of our right wing dupes have dutifully reacted against Post Modern responses to Modernity, which are also (((weaponized))) - (((red capes))) of concepts such as “multiculturalism” and “diversity” - and they double down against them in Cartesian reaction, in Modernity’s quest for pure universal warrant with objective detachment and its abiding rational blindness that opens the way for subversive infiltration and monocultural integration.

Liberals, operating on the same “objective” Cartesian premises taken for granted as currency by right wingers, have long found a way to prove their objectivity - by means of “color blindness” - “not seeing” the most obvious differences, such as black and White. That’s been an easy way to establish one’s legitimacy in the world’s liberal hegemony, the fallout and disorder of the enlightenment. 纨绔王妃要爬墙迅雷下载_纨绔王妃要爬墙在线看_迅视影院:1 天前 · 纨绔王妃要爬墙免费下载,迅雷下载,纨绔王妃要爬墙在线,在线收看 下载地址2： 点击进入 温馨提示：如遇迅雷无法下载可换用无限制版尝试用磁力下载! 无限制版下载 下载方法：安装软件后,点击即可下载,谢谢大家支持，欢迎每天来！

Perhaps European Nations and all White Nations, markedly led by The U.S., its Constitution being the beacon of Enlightenment philosophy, had to reach the present level of destruction to White genetics for our advocates to look more critically at our own philosophy - observing vulnerabilities to our genetic patterns; notably on the empirical side of Cartesianism, in Locke’s conception of individual civil rights (so integral to the American way) as a technology to supersede the “empirical fiction” of social classifications.

The US Constitution and Civil Rights, held to be sacrosanct - the “ultimate warrant in defense” for a modernist, liberating them, so they believed, from the influence of suprafactual narratives and superstitious traditions  - came into doubt.

Indeed, the vulnerability of that Cartesian purity spiral was exploited against Whites, Alinsky style, making us “live up to our rules” in “Civil Rights”, 1964, which prohibited White people, anyway, from making group classifications and discrimination thereupon. In subsequent decades, the prohibition was stepped-up with Anti-Racism - basically anti-group classification and discrimination thereupon, for Whites, anyway.

Were it not for the (((red caping))) of the post modern turn and its attendant concepts, as our philosophers properly conceived them, our people could have recognized the countervailing significance to us.

Following a clear trajectory from the apex of Modernity in Descartes, to its empirical side in Locke, to Vico, the first major critic of Cartesianism, to Kant’s failed (still Cartesian) attempt to rescue our moral order from Lockeatine arbitrariness, then on to Nietzsche’s criticism of Modernity and through to Heidegger and his student, Gadamer, we can make the inference that:

Anti-Racism is Cartesian, anti-group classification and discrimination thereupon; it is not innocent, it is prejudiced. It is prejudice against prejudice (Gadamer), and as such, it is hurting and it is killing people.

As opposed to the Cartesian estrangement from praxis - which is a typical reaction to disingenuousness and the arbitrariness within our primordial human condition - Heidegger recognized that a second liberation was necessary, from mere facticity and into the hermeneutic turn.

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GW deserves much credit for holding fast to Heidegger’s concern for the emergent (basically, our inborn qualities, following a kind of teleology but in the end of which, the whole is greater than the sum of its parts). While holding fast to Being in one’s land, place and amidst one’s people is characterized by dwelling.

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Despite the fact that there is inborn capacity for agency, it is much more like animal reaction until it participates in narrative capacity to sustain a plan, make choices, and verify success.

While the emergent provides an important, deep guide to an authentic path of our telos - and though indeed, hermeneutic capacity is part of the multifarious emergent qualities - our biological foundation is not foolproof for its occurrence in our arbitrary circumstance (wherein it is still possible, for example, to breed with other peoples), particularly absent the corrective capacity of narrative facility shared of the social realm beyond our personal biology. Following a natural concern to maintain our species, it is necessary to have that second liberation from mere facticity, as narrative is necessary to maintain even non-fiction accounts - such as holding fast in coherence to one’s individual and group kind in overall homeostasis.

Post Modern coherence is not to be misunderstood as linear and impervious, as with the modernist tendency; it is rather knowingly interactive and coherent in overall trajectory.

This coherence is the first requirement of authentic human existence. With necessary concession made to a modicum of arbitrariness in our primordial condition, we may partake of that second liberation into narrative coherence, and with it, achieve accountability, agency, correctability and warrant to hold up deliberately - necessary for our homeostasis given that individuals of our group can rather decide that they find it healthy to betray us. And there are antagonists willing to tell stories about how our emergent qualities are evil, misdirecting people against our social systemic maintenance. More, narrative form is necessary to transcend paradoxes, contradictions, confusions, tangles, strange loops, etc. (which can be weaponized against us). We require thus, sufficient hermeneutic, rhetorical capacity to maintain our individual and group coherence.

The post modern concept of hermeneutics has been (((red caped))) as “anti-science”, as if it is conceived to facilitate narrative flights of fancy in which one can make just whatever they like of themselves - 57th gender etc.. But this is a red cape misrepresentation of hermeneutics anti-Cartesian mandate. Yes, hermeneutics is critical of and liberating from scientism - bad science or bad application of science - but as hermeneutics is engaged in circulating process of inquiry which facilitates movement from broad perspective, the imagination of hypotheses largely detached from myopia of the episode, and back to rigorous verification that may yield warranted assertability as need be, it is absolutely necessary to the scientific endeavor - facilitating it, not opposed to it.

Disordering Effects of Modernity Complicate Gender Relations

The rupturing of group classificatory bounds as a result of their “fictional status” yielding to individual civil rights, particularly as (((weaponized))) in “Civil Rights” and “anti-racism” instigates the disordering effect of modernity, particularly for Whites as they are prohibited from classification and discrimination thereupon.

As people have an inborn need to classify in order to make sense, despite the prohibition, the general classification of gender will remain as too fundamental to disregard, and classifications too highly contrasting such as black and White will remain as default classification by tropism. That is to say, these classifications will become heightened while others are diffused.

The naturally one-up position of females for their precious child bearing capacity will be increased within the disorder of modernity as they are solicited and pandered to from all sides given the rupture of group discriminatory bounds.

Even while puerile and unsocialized into maternal concern for her people, she may become a more powerful selective gate-keeper than ever and incentivized to as such to maintain the liberal status quo - pandered-to incessantly, markedly by (((YKW))), her selective predilections - what is merely confident, strong, impervious, undaunted no matter what will become dubiously maximized, as will her base, atavistic female inclination to incite genetic competition be without sufficient correction in socialization. Her gains may be short term and the grounds of comfort diminishing, but she can usually call in thugs to white knight for her, while the reason to hold out for broader pattern reward becomes more and more unclear. Indeed, it is harder to be a female from the standpoint of traditional morals as more and happier opportunities exist for her to make mistakes within the disorder of modernity.

Moreover, in the disordered circumstance, it isn’t only Feminists who are problematic to White men, but also Traditional women as they may not appreciate that the different circumstances of post modernity entail some different performance requirements in gender relations as compared to tradition - the disorder of modernity may not provide sufficient structure and support necessary for males to act into the traditional role, at least not quite as directly as convention might have her expect; and they get shunned aside unjustly for the circumspection.

Marginals

Even if social/political group classifications are prohibited, marginals would function something like systemic empirical border markers of sorts, irrespective.

However, Gadamer’s hermeneutic concept of marginals has been (((red caped))). Respect for marginals as sentinels of the systems’ bounds, having perspective on the system and knowing where the shoe pinches, to provide corrective feedback on systemic calibration, is an excellent idea.  And clearly, a marginal for us, is someone 爬墙器下载, near the edges of the system, maybe down on their luck, they can even be marginalized because they are better in important respects, but they are marginal members within and well disposed to our group maintenance - their participation probably should be shown compassion if not respect and integrated a little better. We’re all marginals from time to time.

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Now, what YKW have done is (((red cape))) the concept of marginals by representing them as aliens, those originating outside and antagonistic to Whites or those Whites who are anti-White and destructive to the system, advocating that they should be included and integrated into our system. Thus, repulsing Whites to this concept which would be invaluable to our social systemic homeostasis.

The drag queen story hour (((red caping))) of marginals prompts occasion to discuss difficulties in post modern gender relations. There are interesting points to be made on behalf of Whites (not exactly for liberal purposes).

While there are excellent criticisms of homosexuality that should be ready at hand (won’t go into it here) and it should be discouraged, especially for males, we should not lose site that below its (((red caped))) politicization, queers should not occupy a priority concern generally speaking (you may have particular circumstances, that’s different).

Over reaction to this (((red caping))) can have negative effects for Whites; the vast exaggeration and distortion of advocacy of this relatively minor issue - e.g., homosexual defense transitioning into drag queen story hour - can place enormous pressure on young White boys to do stupid things in order to prove that they are not gay. With ‘the universal maturity©’ of Modernity upheld, people might not discern the different performance requirements of post modernity and White boys may be compelled to emulate non-White patterns of masculinity, which fail to manifest our best, most authentic nature.

There’s too much of this “White boys need to man-up” shit, not enough ‘White girls need to woman down’ happening in reaction to the red capes. “Manning up” under the circumstance is even more a matter of border and bounds creating than it is a matter of allowing one’s self to be incited into direct competition with arbitrary males.

As Bowery and Renner note: if you try to impose involuntarily contract with others upon us then you are a would-be slave master and supremacist; be loyal or be gone; don’t impose the consequences for your liberalism upon us.

There is an apparent inverse relation between confidence and intellectualism. Especially under the disordered circumstance, a modicum of intellectual wherewithal is necessary.

But as the predilections of puerile White girls are overly favored within the disorder of Modernity, increasingly one up as they are - pandered-to from all sides given the rupture of discriminatory out-group classifications - puerile females are empowered (don’t like it? she’ll call in the universal thugs/white knights) and incentivized to maintain this powerful one up position as gate keepers of liberalism for its short term gains, their base (sub praxis) female inclination to incite genetic competition exacerbated, their penchant to over value confidence exacerbated to the detriment of Whites.

Black boys, e.g., over-weening with confidence may win the day with momentary and episodic displays for their shorter evolutionary time horizons; their long pre-evolution which has quantified and maxed-out masculinity, creating an aggressive, presumptuous, hyper-assertive sort; their R selection vs K selection strategy suited to the atavistic episodic evaluative fall out within the disorder of modernity. While the value to be ascertained of the more sublimated, protracted cultural and relational patterns of White boys is obfuscated.

Besides the ill-fit of “universal maturity”, there’s another problem with the “traditional solution” to the universal disorder of modernity.

In addition to distracting urgent attention from the much more important issue of race replacement - given relative non-correctability - chasing a (((red cape))) of post modernity such as drag queen story hour suggests a (((red caped))) “Traditional solution” (((Judeo-Christianity))) to a “Traditional problem”, (((“Sodom and Gomorrah”))).

Social Constructionism

Similarly as with hermeneutics, Social Constructionism is another key post modern concept - conceived as an anti-Cartesian perspective to facilitate the Post Modern Turn into Praxis, but (((red caped))) as anti-scientific, unnatural and Cartesian by solipsistic (subjective) flights of imagination very much to our detriment. Understood properly, however, this perspective sensitizes to our relative indebtedness and social accountability to our people along with agency and responsibility to the correctability, i.e., social systemic homeostasis of our human ecology - to reconstruct the coherent species that is our group. And if we are under attack as a group, social classification, as we are with anti-racism, and particularly given our weak ethnocentrism, would it not make sense to sensitize our people to our social connectedness, responsibility, our indebtedness to our species, and agency IN FACT?

That’s what social constuctionism proper, does. It is another post modern project to bring our people back from Cartesian estrangement into Praxis.

And yet social constructionism has been (((red caped))) as if race is a mere social construct - as if you can make anything that you want of it, if it exists at all. But that rendition of “social constructionism” would be solipsism - not many people of the social world are going to agree with you that racial species have no biological, empirical bearing. Rather, to say that race - or, you know what we mean, profoundly different markers, well on the way to speciation among humans - doesn’t exist. That would be a transgression of its anti-Cartesian purpose as well.

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Social Constructionism and its underscoring of agency takes three forms: 1) a more literal kind of social construction, as in constructing a building with others, in all facets of the process. 2) a more metaphoric kind, as in a couple getting together and “constructing” a child together, with all the social involvements necessary to bring about the conception and the raising of the child; and 3) Post hoc attribution as to how more brute facts come to count. In these cases, that much closer to sheer physics, one still has some agency and can come up with even far fetched interpretations of the event, though upwards of 95% of the human population will be forced (by dint of the will to survive, and thus beware laws of physics and biology) to look upon you as crazy. But narrative difference from empirical fact will not necessarily be ridiculous and may in fact be helpful to individual and group, distinguishing for example, hero from fool or villain in the brute case of death: “Good riddance to bad garbage” or “his virtuous sacrifice facilitated the living on of his children and people.” The brute fact can be “instructive” - what can we learn from this accident/ tragedy to avoid its happening again? The point and the reward remain in recognizing some capacity for agency - even if only as to how facts come to count, post hoc.

Even as we look back to discuss days of our pre verbal, pre mammalian evolution, if we are not here to discuss it, it is a moot point. Hence, the eminent validity of centralizing Praxis in our worldview.

If a tree falls in the woods… you want truth and morals, for what?

How can we let White children come into this without trying to deal with this mess?

With one example from disingenuous antagonists using modernist language - “there will be immigration flows” - as if these “flows” are “caused” like a brute force of nature, you can begin to glean the superiority of the post modernist, hermeneuticist turn and its attendant social constructionist concept as it invokes the means of agency to reverse these “flows”.

You can see how it would benefit our enemies to invoke such a strictly deterministic, Cartesian notion of necessity - “that’s just the way it is, no account, no arguments need apply” - in circumstances such as migration ‘flows’ auguring our race replacement.

You begin to sense how retarded it’s been for huWhites to argue against the red caping of post modernity, social constructionism and hermeneutics.

You begin to sense why our enemies have misrepresented post modernism, because they don’t want us to have proper understanding of post modernity and its attendant concepts of hermeneutics and social constructionism - precisely as it would give us that coherence, accountability, agency, correctability and warrant of our social systemic homeostasis.

Hopefully that’s enough of an interest arouser. I’ll provide more background then work through some other examples distinguishing White Post Modernity Proper from its (((Red Caping))).

快鸭vpm

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The deepest, most direct root of Modernism in European philosophy goes back to the ancients, to the Epicureans specifically. The Epicureans were committed to overcoming mere superstition, custom, habit and traditions which did not facilitate the good life; they sought instead to trace all experience to positive source and sensible apprehension to establish solid grounds to the good life. They were the ones to coin the term ‘the atom’ to designate the smallest physical unit of which the universe is composed. From there, they would propose a hierarchical ordering for the use of pleasure, with contemplation occupying top place. The Epicureans being direct forebears of Modernist philosophy are thus seen in clear line to the Enlightenment, especially the empiricists, Locke, Thomas Jefferson, later philosophers of science and the Logical Positivists.

Traditional European Society

Traditional European societies were ethnocentric, particularly in the south, as exemplified by Plato and Aristotle, Aristotle in particular with his Praxis (one’s ethnocentric bio-social-political group) providing a sound Traditional starting point for this analysis; i.e., aligning tradition and natural concern for species homeostasis.

Aristotle did place praxis at the center of his world view as evidenced by his position that politics is the first philosophical priority - if politics are out of whack, all else is for naught. And he did believe there were outsiders who were to be treated in a different manner.

A democracy limited to the philosophically capable, and those committed to group protection, is probably consonant with authentic European tradition as it provides means for correctability (systemic homeostasis). The way of government that a particular ethnostate chooses is beyond the scope of this essay and needless to say, the democratic franchise can and has been (((red caped))) as well.

Nevertheless, Aristotle is the most esteemed figure of Europeans (even more than Jesus) and understandably so, as his philosophy was profound enough to keep social systemics aligned with natural laws that would preserve our species. Thus, a tradition authentic to our nature, not an affectation. If northerners complain, it should be said that inasmuch as they survived as distinct species, they would either be deliberately, accidentally or naturally in accord with Aristotle’s philosophy.

Aristotle observed that people are biological creatures requiring optimal, not maximal need satisfaction (his golden mean applied across the board politically), as advanced mammals, they are engaged in the social world with relative concern for relationships, they have agency, reflexive effects, can learn, etc; thus Praxis does not have quite the linear predictability of the hard sciences and therefore requires a different epistemology, i.e., practical judgement, in order to maintain coherence and homeostasis.

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Whether tribe, city state or nation, there was enough ethnocentrism for distinct European groups to maintain themselves.

Red caping praxis as political through and through.

One may argue that Aristotle is stretching the political metaphor, but his observations of human nature would argue otherwise. It is more likely that one would be reacting to (((red caping))) of the idea, to where everything is political and a challenge to White hegemony; and true to the (((red caping))) strategy, Whites wind up fighting against the correct underlying idea - centralization of praxis.

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Clerk Maxwell draws a useful heuristic distinction here between “Augustinian Devils” and “Manichean Devils.”

Augustinian Devils are challenges of nature, which characteristically do not tend to have the concsciousness to change in order to foil solutions. An evolution in penchant and predilection to take on Augustinian devils can be anticipated in northern circumstances - and this would correspond with lower ethnocentism, objectivity and scientific solutions being more favored in natural selection.

Manichean Devils are trickster challenges. Given our agency, humans have capacity to change in order to foil solutions to their challenge. This capacity would be more favored in the natural selection of the South and the Middle East to sustain their ethnocentrism where the challenge was, on balance, more a matter of other people and tribes than brute nature and resource.

With this traditional background, the stage was set for Europeans to be taken as naive, to be duped by the Middle Easterners - most poignantly by YKW.

Red Caping European Moral Order

The first and probably most important (((red cape))) imposed was an affectation to become our “Traditional European moral order” - Christianity.

Its tangled, dread inspiring and self destructive rule structures which, among other terrible misdirection, compel a sacrifice of concern for the lived life in favor of some ‘hereafter’ beyond our biological legacy even.

Suffice it to say, they’ve got Christians worshiping the same Abrahamic god as Jews, except that the Jews are “chosen” as a special group by that god, whereas others are not special as groups, they are, as GW observes, cast as an ever undifferentiating other from “the chosen.”

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Another key function of (((red caping))) is established, in that it allows for Jewish infiltration, misdirection and subversion of the group - by means of conversion in the case of the Christianity. Anyone can become a member, including YKW, who are particularly disposed to our dissolution according to the red cape strategy.

Finally, as the Jewish (((red cape))) functions, overcompensating reaction can be even worse than compliance, as even the important underlying idea for group homeostasis - in this case, a moral order - is rejected in favor of a-moral concerns of Modernity - e.g “nature”, adherence to “survival of the fittest” to the point of natural fallacy, “might makes right” to the point of utterly immoral destruction.

Indeed, there is reason to believe that the compulsion to overcome these (((red cape))) guilt trips, divorced from nature, was an instigating factor in the purity spiral of Cartesianism, hence Modernity.

快鸭vpm

Philosophers take Descartes to represent the sine qua non of Modernity, setting forth an ‘Enlightenment’ that unfolded into the epoch of Modernity.

Cartesianism is looked upon as a quest for unassailably warranted knowledge, whether above and beyond nature and human interaction or on the other side of the Cartesian divide, within nature and below human interaction.

This would come to be seen as problematic as the pursuit of these ” that’s just the way it is” warrants, whether above or within nature, where not utterly impervious to social concern and negotiation, tended to pay short shrift to social accountability.

The trajectory of Modernity did, indeed, make important contributions to overcoming backward traditions, customs and superstitions. Moreover, given the remarkable advances in science and technology that it provided for, it is understandable how a valuation of experimentalism and what is new could be derived as chractaristic of necessary progress.

The first major critic of Descartes was Vico, who anticipated the propensity of this impervious technology to run destructive rough-shod over what should be philosophy’s central concern and world view - praxis - and thus he seeded the post modern turn with its neo-Aristotlian project of retreiving philosophical inquiry from Cartesian estrangement and back into praxis.

Even so, John Locke, who represents the empirical side of the Cartesian divide, cannot be faulted for wanting to remedy an exploitative and intransigent class system divide WITHIN England. In opportunistic conception of his empirical philosophy, he proposed that social classifications were a fiction of the mind, as each individual has the same perceptions and discrimination on the basis of these fictional classifications - such as British aristocracy obstructing equal access to advanced education for ‘lower classes’ - should give way to his concept of individual civil rights. But the weakening if not disruption of social classificatory organization and discrimination thereupon as an abstraction that can be applied, on principle, to any classification in favor of civil individual rights, is risky business.

Kant anticipated the danger in Locke’s world view of myopic empiricism running arbitrary rough-shod over praxis, viz,, its moral order. Therefore, he tried to rescue the integrity of the moral order by establishing its principles on “categorical” (unassailably warranted) universal principles. Kant’s rescuing project failed, as the Post Modern philosopher, Martin Heidegger, would observe, because it was “still Cartesian.”

Digression

I’m typically greeted with strong negative reactions on this topic, especially from STEM types. Their misunderstanding me as ‘doing something bad by using the term Cartesianism’ stems from a few places.

Being outside the fray of academic humanities, they see negative use of the term Cartesianism as a sign of pseudo intellectualism, if not the down-right (((red caping))) which is all they tend to see of “post modern philosophy” in relation to science (including some useful bits of Cartesianism) and THE ‘truth’ they see as the means for combating whatever problems that we are confronted with.

Of an Augustinian nature, they may not apprehend the Manichean (((red caping))) of what is otherwise a legitimate and important underlying Post Modern critique of Cartesianism and Modernity. STEM. people, focused on Augustinian devils, are notorious dupes.

White Post Modernity would not tell you to abandon Cartesianism entirely, especially not in its utility, say, to algebra or microwave engineering. The WPM project would try to call you back from runaway of Cartesian anxiety, and encourage you instead to look upon these quests for truth and precision as characteristic of a right wing component, indispensable, but nevertheless provisional and functioning as feedback to be subsumed within its utility to yourself in tandem with the group calibration - praxis - social systemic homeostasis.

However, resistance to proper understanding - both from our people and because (((they))) don’t want us to understand - has been an intense challenge:

Firstly, you’re confronted by our high I.Q. STEM boomer pioneers of the internet, who had hegemonic presence, and who have known enough success by their way of doing things to want to see it as tried and true, and not, say, somewhat contingent upon the luck of their generation or the value of their skills in the Modern milieu. They hadn’t yet had enough holes poked in their world view to feel the need to examine its vulnerabilities with up-to-date philosophical vigor.

Their misapprehension is not entirely of their own making.

There has been the (((red caping))) of Post Modern ideas that they are reacting-to.

When I tried to discuss hermeneutics with Prof. MacDonald, because of its (((red caping))) he INSISTED that hermeneutics is anti-science.

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I understand his thinking ’ hermeneutics is anti science’ for all its Jewish red caping waved through college Sophomores. Academia is, after all, in the big business of selling talk - and the paying customers, 18 -24 year old undergraduates with Guaranteed Student Loans, are perfect consumers for self serving, anti-scientific, Jewish advanced, anti-White, liberal hermeneutic distortion peddled by tenured professors in perpetuity.

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Our own Guessedworker has fought me tooth and nail on every important post modern term and concept that I’ve used, so offensive has been their hyperbolic (((red caping))) to his S.T.E.M. predilection and ethnonationalist concern.

When I began explaining WPM Proper at The VOR back in 2011, I invited Bowery, thinking that he’d be on board. Instead he proceeded obliviously to say that we needed to “reboot the enlightenment.”

Afterward, when I came to Majority Rights, James tried to forbid me from using the critical philosophical term/concept “Cartesianism” - “stay far away from it!” ... “You are demoralizing our people!”  ...and when I criticized The Empirical Philosophers (meaning Locke, Berkeley and Hume), he reacted as if I was denouncing science and its method. Finally, in indignation, he tried to tell me to not characterize Modernity as a big problem.

This wasn’t an easy challenge. They’re all very smart and have made important contributions.

However, their misapprehension may also be attributed to (((red capes))) targeted directly at their S.T.E.M. type, such as “The Dark Enlightenment” and “Neo-Reaction.” These (((red capes))) in the hands of a (((mencius moldbug))) would portray Modernity and things like Cartesianism/or its misunderstanding as THE problem, rather than vulnerabilities in our system that (((they))), along with our traitors/dupes, can exploit/can be exploited by.

There is also an apparent problem in the habit of STEM analysis that looks for the ONE problem that interrupts a circuit; a habit that can have them not see the holistic overview of what is being said here.

For a combination of reasons, our ensconced STEM boomers and right wingers aligned in a reactionary purity spiral, haven’t quickly recognized that I wasn’t myself fooled by the (((red capes))) if not spitefully wielding them myself, against our people’s interests.

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The better starting point for analyzing the unraveling of our social systemic homeostasis -

The French Revolution or The American Revolution and Locke?

Most people start with the French Revolution, and it is highly relevant to Modernity. There are useful inferences to be made. Among those I’ve heard, Keith Preston observing that the European Aristocracies were often not as much loyal to their own nation as to the Aristocracies of other nations. That lines-up generally with the concept of the right that I am finding to hold up cross contextually. I wouldn’t put too much concrete emphasis on this, however.

Literal mindedness in this argument takes you into the Marxian-Hegelian (((red cape))) where the Aristocratic classes all stand together and therefore the “workers of the world should unite” across national bounds; while the Hegelian dialectic works its way out historically, in accordance to its own inherent logic to bring about the withering away of the state, which is presumed an ideal result.

Marx’s internationalizing of class and revolution, as well as the slogan of equality, became huge (((red capes))) for reactionaries to chase after. Marxism and Cultural Marxism became more and more a (((red cape))) for “the left.”

There may be merit to the critique that recognized a disordering of society by the revolution that was new, yes, but bad in a different way, as it was financed largely by the Jewish (or White for that matter) merchant class to overthrow a better ordering of societal rule [e.g., priest, philosopher, warrior, artisan], other than by mercantile. However, rather than so much the who question that occupies top place in our society, I would tend to favor the ‘what’ - i.e., protection of our borders and the protection of our population - whereas ‘who’ occupies governing position would then be contingent upon their adherence to the ‘what.’

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The French Revolution is where the traditional Right vs Left dichotomy began, with those representing the King and his leadership being on the right side of the court, while those representing the populace - who would rise up in revolution - sitting to the left of the King.

It’s of worms that I’ll open in more detail later. I will argue that the dichotomy remains useful, that “the left” has been (((red caped))) in representation as Marxist, internationalist, liberalist, equalitarian and anti-White, when it is better represented as a union of the ethnonational populace - Paris for Parisians.

The slogan, “Liberty, Fraternity and Equality”, especially Equality, has been a terrible (((red cape))) that right wing reactionaries chase after. I will argue that red cape and other semiotics that can guide a White ethnonational revolution are sorted out in the depth grammar of ordinary language patterns - necessary as currency in connection with logics of meaning and action which, in turn, direct behavior.

Language as currency and depth grammar being those connotations which hold up cross contextually over time.

For the moment, I’ll sketch a few things, and suggest that Whites should ask:

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And what are they doing with the connotations of the terms by compelling these identifications?

Has not the left been associated with social justice, social accountability, compassion for the ordinary, marginals and group unionization in defense against elite abuse of power? While the right associated with purported objectivity, truth, brute nature below human accountability, or principles, elite individual or narrow group interests if not a god beyond human nature and also beyond accountability?

When the audience looks with me at the reasons why Jewry has always wanted White identity to be attributed to “the right” and “far right” if not “alt right” or “dissident right” “against equality” and why they do NOT want Whites to identify as an ethnonational left, but as of late, especially, against “the left”, the audience will begin to understand my argument… it begins with the recognition of the original premise of the (((red cape))), i.e., to take a concept that is good for organizing the group and then to deploy it against Whites and make it obnoxiously didactic to Whites in order to weaken if not break up their social systemic homeostasis. Indeed, compelling Whites to identify with repugnant anti-social reactions that effectively preclude popular groundswell to our ethnonational cause.

Those of us a bit older, remembering the 80s and 90s, will recall that conservative arguments were not anywhere nearly so typically pitted against “the left.” Conservatism was pitted more against Liberalism and Political Correctness in the 90s.

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Whites have been shockingly on board with this characterology so convenient to the current interests of elite Jewry and so clearly indicating that this is not necessarily what “the left” has to mean as this characterology called “the left” was not the in-vogue bogey man 30 years ago.

In fact, if the left is characterized by a broad based “fraternity” of the people in unionized interests against elite betrayal, then it conforms perfectly to a left nationalism and ethnonationalism as well.

As a union, it would conserve the interests within, focus our accountability, compassion and concerns of social justice for our people, not liberalizing concerns internationally.

You can see how the red cape of “the left” as “international” and oxymoronically as liberal was used to have Whites arguing against their own organizing function through these misleading connotations.

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The depth grammar of the right is not accountable to our ethnonational union of people: it is accountable to god, to “truth”, to principles, to the great man or small group of elites, to “nature”...but not particularly to praxis, to the broad systemic union of our ethnonationals, our people. The neologism, White EthnoNational Left, can make it clear in a way that “Neither Left Nor Right” or “Third Position” can, that praxis, the union of our people is our central concern and is where accountability is due and not in any Marxist sense precluding reasonable individual liberty, private property, free enough enterprise, abundant resource or ethnonationalism!

This ambiguous result of the red cape reaction, disrupting organization, is why they will settle for an identity of neither left nor right, or third position, failing identification as some sort of right if not liberal.

But for all the attention given the French Revolution as “the source of our problems”, I’ve found following the Lockeatine line making more coherent sense of our predicament in Modernity’s disorder, since that is where the taboo against classification (a term corresponding with unionization) for White men was set forth and ripened for weaponized (((red caping))).

This has created a mystification, disingenuously wielded or naively adhered to by those who identify as right wing as they criticize the left for wanting more state regulation of social justice, while at the same time allowing the red cape of internationalism to extend over whom the nation is comprised.

Our right wingers and other liberals are disingenuously or naively being encouraged to believe that they are objectively if not divinely entitled to be unaccountable and disloyal to the broad group of our own people and creating vulnerabilities, allowing for the rupturing of our social systemic homeostasis as such because individual rights are held sacrosanct while social classification (by Whites, anyway) is considered evil.

Locke’s anti-classification notion of civil individual rights creates systemic pattern vulnerability

John Locke was aggrieved by the Aristocratic Class’s discrimination against lower classes in Britain. His grievance dove-tailed with his concept of empirical philosophy, maintaining that all individuals have the same perceptions while social classifications are a fiction of the mind; therefore these fictitious classifications should give way to civil individual rights.

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Jefferson missed the bus on Kant’s noble but failed attempt to rescue principles from the arbitrary empiricism of Locke, let alone Vico’s correct placing of group praxis at center of the world view. And the fairly arbitrary notion of civic individualism over classificatory patterns, this ‘liberation’ from traditional patterns, became characteristic of an America that would grow more and more powerful until it was the world’s hegemon, wielding power and influence over all, for better and worse.

Jewish (((red cape))) weaponization of “Civil Rights” was still way in the future when blacks and women were given the franchise. While Jews could be said to be influential, even if only indirectly through Christianity and their part in the slave trade, it is certain that some Whites were engaging a Cartesian purity spiral on the notion of civil rights.

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Nietzsche would be very influential on Heidegger and his Post Modern/ Hermeneutic turn.

Over in England, Russell and Whitehead wanted to tackle the problem of classification presented by the classic liar’s paradox, “I am a Cretan, all Cretan’s are liars.” In response, they came up with Theory of Logical Types, that class and membership were on different levels, and therefore, “a class could not be a member of itself.”

Russell would confide that he considered this “the most arbitrary thing he ever had to do.”

Arbitrary perhaps, but their focus on classification is interesting, and they were generating useful thoughts, indeed schools of thought in coming to terms with Post Modernity.

Whitehead would say that “even a false or inadequate working hypothesis is better than no working hypothesis.”...adding, “one cannot continually investigate everything, but must take for granted a given state of partial knowledge from time to time.”

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From his centralization of praxis (in a necessary, non Cartesian relation to environment and others) and communication in reflexive interaction, communications scholars would develop the very useful communications perspective, that we live in communication.

From his more social and biological position on praxis, Bateson was also able to offer some corrections to the deficiencies and toxicties of Heidegger (e.g., “nature rarely works within lethal variables”); it is significant to offer corrections to Heidegger as he was, on the whole, not just a great and important philosopher for Europeans, but rather prominently manifesting the Post Modern/Hermeneutic turn.

While Heidegger was beginning to wrestle with the Post Modern/ Hermeneutic turn, Wittgenstein was doubling down on Modernity, trying to map an unassailable correspondence of language to world in his Tractatus Logico Philosophicus.

Bateson would chide those who would engage in this scientistic wish to get away from any ambiguity of the language, social classification and its invocation of meta-communication what-so-ever, as having an apparent wish to “get back to the innocence of mood signs”...

Wittgenstein expressed his embarrassment in belatedly catching the post modern turn.

However, there were adherents to the Tractatus at The Vienna School of Logical Positivism, who never did catch on. And they extended the invisible hand to the Austrian school of economics, including Wittgenstein’s cousin, Hayek, and von Mises, Ayn Rand, Alan Greenspan, Thatcher, Reagan, on to the guys behind H.U.D., fannie mae, ginnie mae, freddie mac and fangled Wall Street instruments, finally Bernanke, Paulson etc. to the 2008 financial melt-down.

The Vienna School of Logical Positivism held a mandate to follow through on the Tractatus to establish a language that mapped and mirrored reality perfectly - free of any ambiguity and metaphor. But a few different aspects to words (e.g., referent, signifier, context) are always found to make some metaphor and thus human judgment and convention unavoidable and indispensable.

Language as currency and semiotics

While Heidegger is clearly the more useful and important philosopher to us, the 1/4 White Wittgenstein does have a few concepts that are useful to us in his later philosophy.

For example, his borrowing of the concept of internal relation - a co-evolutionary concept - from continental philosophers, operating much like fractal technology, provides a useful alleviation from the Cartesian anxiety: how does one think? All kinds of ways. Where does one start? Anywhere. You want orientation? Look at an episode - where perhaps a practice may have begun; look at what people are doing and consider the use involved. You want to penetrate deeper? Look at the depth grammar. As language is the currency of convention, the ordinary language philosophy that is derived of Wittgenstein is turning out to be useful - more on that when we finish the historical background ..the Heideggerian school, its off-shoots and advances in post modern thought since; before we detail our thesis of the (((red caping))) of these concepts and rectification in White Post Modernity.

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And as we exist in the arbitrary thrownness, as Heidegger calls the contingent nature of our classification at its most radical level, post modern philosophy steps back from a suffocating quest for a perfect Kantian architectonic or Hegelian dialectic; recognizing that we have to be pragmatists to some extent, it retrieves us from mechanistic quest of Theoria and takes us back into Praxis, going the way of the Pragmatists, looking more to the development of working hypotheses and specificatory structures in its pursuit of operational verifiability and warranted assertability.

I was chided for using the metaphor of “conceptual tools”, or a tool kit, ready to hand to bring to bear to our problems, as if we should just za zen manifest emergent ethnonationalism every moment.

When GW insists that we need a complete, unshakable “foundation” to the project of universal ethnonationalism, I would ask why he thinks that we do not already have “foundation” enough to begin - a working hypothesis of our people’s existence and need for advocacy enough to warrantably assert? He and other more scientifically oriented people might help greatly by shoring up our “foundation”, behavioral tendencies, etc. but the idea that we don’t know enough to proceed in our defense is absurd…as is the idea that it is not bespeaking deeply considered philosophy, but merely political advocacy.

It fits my working hypothesis that he’s reacting to Jewish red capes of and among praxis, along with other liberal rhetorical abuse that instill Cartesian anxiety, compelling the belief that we do not already have grounds to warrantably assert our advocacy, but need to have some pure, universal warrant beyond praxis; as if we don’t know enough about our people, the value of our different European kinds that merit homelands of our own and a means to survive as distinct kinds in diaspora…not that we can’t do better, find better popular inspiration, some key fundamental connections, but enough to begin.

Genetic evidence accumulated in recent decades bolsters our concern for human and pervasive ecology - that would certainly include concern for our own kinds.

Though we can infer many working hypotheses from experience, e.g., that Asians, Africans and Europeans have different rates of maturity with different advantages that can tangle each other up when brought together in interaction, operational verification of science does contribute to warranted assertability of the fact - R and K strategy, testosterone levels, lesser impulse control and sublimation, warrior gene, etc. - the point is that concerns of praxis and science are not mutually exclusive and should not be antagonistic.

There are many occasions when science uncovers issues not at all apparent to ordinary sense (e.g. Jewish crypsis) and that sort of excellent yield of science is not discouraged, unappreciated and mutually exclusive to hermeneutics either.

The antagonism that I’ve experienced from Bowery and GW - GW’s wish to “sweep aside” everything bespeaks a failure to see the underlying importance of Post Modern Concepts to Whites, to trust that application for Whites is very different from the red caping they perceive; failing to appreciate its function to protect the good in what is and has been, the value of agency and correctability in its outlook to stave off their worst fears (e.g., in Bowery’s case, a concern of “eusociality” and the loss of distinct European self sufficiency) and to create, in fact, the grounds of homeostasis, group and individual.

GW sees a susceptibility among academics to top down wish to impose concepts over what should be concern to describe what nature will do irrespective. This imposition upon nature has come to the utility of Jewry as a characterization of what “the left does.” This characterology of “the left” is a red cape.

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GW and Bowery are not appreciating that hermeneutics is a circulating process - and no, GW, its not “back and forth back and forth” in some trivial, plodding manner - it is inquiry that can gracefully and as a matter of utility take starting points from wherever necessary and engage utility (including the utility of ideals).

Where GW and Bowery make well placed, rigorous observations about sub praxis natural underpinnings, they should only contribute to refinement of our working hypotheses, specificatory structures, perhaps adding operational verifiability to the already warranted assertability: the eminent validity of ethnonationalism and the working hypothesis that the White/European race and its subspecies does, in fact, exist - and well it should - at least it is natural for species to defend themselves, even if you believe that we should not survive (as a Hitler might not, in his scienstism).

A more rigorous, scientific focus, a closer reading as it were, shouldn’t be considered mutually exclusive to what I’m saying.

It can be a problem if they veer into scientism - try to say that what I’m saying should be swept aside - probably as they perceive and react to red capes or are stuck in a STEM habit of trying to isolate “the problem” in a circuit while making all else redundant (e.g. me and what I’m adding) by comparison to their “new model”...not realizing that they are attempting to sweep aside things that are far more important than their straw man contentions. They are habituated to issue straw men as they are not prepared to see friendly concepts coming from the humanities and therefore interject straw men in place of working to complement what I am actually saying with their valuable input.

I over reacted to GW’s reaction to non-foundationalism, when saying there “can be no unassailable foundations” - technically true philosophically, but stretching hermeneutics to the point of absurdity to ignore laws of biology and physics; call them foundational if you will. Our biological species is, after all, what we’re about; not some alternative narrative to that, possible though it may be. Its frustrating to be confronted with misreadings of post modernity as being absurd. In its proper understanding neither I, nor any scholar that I’ve ever talked to, deny evolution, laws of biology and physics, facts…we take these matters for granted while someone reacting to the (((red cape))) misrepresentations would try to characterize us as absurd - or, rather, going along with the (((red cape))) characterology of “the left” as not dealing with nature (as opposed to one who deals in verifiable and specifiable hypotheses).

Concluding the history and moving on to specifics should help people to see this as a collaborative enterprise, not mutually exclusive to their reasoned concerns.

Specificatory Stuctures

- are suited for Praxis. Aristotle observed that people: are biological creatures evolved for optimal need satisfaction; registering reflexive systemic effects of excess, deficiency and actions of others - as mammals in particular who have relative concern for relationships, have agency, can learn to learn, can reframe agendas hermeneutically. Social science thus differs from hard sciences, especially from physics but even from biology in our human capacity for agency and reflexive effects in interaction. To make sense of this requires what Aristotle called phronesis (practical judgment), or what Shotter calls specificatory structures: largely or partly finished general frameworks, slightly ambiguous, but having ready understanding to act as participatory currency by the public - frames that can be shaped and crafted for broad perspective, not suffocating necessary imagination to transcend moment and episode into broader patterns as need be, nor precluding re-specification in precision, down to genetic or molecular levels, as need be.

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